Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis, II, 87-90.Arnald of Villanova, famous as a medical writer and for his personal relations with several kings and popes, has left the following account of his difficulties with the faculty of theology at Paris in 1299-1300, where he had come with a message from Jayme II of Aragon to Philip the Fair. It will be noted that it was not his writings in astrology or alchemy which got Arnald into trouble but his tendency, although a layman, to dabble in theology and urge clerical reform, and in this case more particularly a work in which he had predicted the coming of antichrist.[1]
In the name of the Lord, Amen. In the year from His nativity 1300, indiction 13, in the presence of me, a notary, and the witnesses signed below, the prudent and discreet man, master Arnald called of Villanova, a resident of Montpellier, has protested to the apostolic see, provoked and appealed and done the other things written below, and to the appeal made by him as contained in another public instrument written by the hand of me, the notary below named, he has adhered and renewed it now and has wished and ordered a copy of the same to be made by hand of a notary to whomsoever under this form of words.
It may be I am a worm and not a man and an opprobrium to men, yet I have a conscience and inner monitor, nor can I expunge or reject its murmur by which I am often blamed. And so with God and my conscience as witnesses I notify you, reverend college of theologians at Paris that recently, namely on the day and hour at which you dragged me before the presence of the reverend father, the bishop of Paris, fear and trembling came over me and covered me stupefied by the gloom of terror as I compared things past to those which were then in actual process. For recalling that, albeit I had come quickly, gladly and reverently at each summons of the lord chancellor, as he himself stated in the chapel of St. Denis de Passu, nevertheless you, sirs, I know not with what motive or words, because of purely scholastic acts, called in the Official of Paris who thence treacherously summoned, craftily retained, and rudely and impiously imprisoned me in a house pernicious to me from my bodily suffering and calamities. And again I recalled that, when in the said chapel you irregularly received me in your grace to private converse, I conceded to you that I had written the articles which you had read to me not in the sense they sounded as extracted by you from my work but in the sense which they made in their proper context. And because you, sirs, said that they were rashly written, I conceded that out of reverence for you I would be prepared to temper them according to your judgment, and you were to take time to deliberate concerning the suitable method of amending them. But when finally a day was fixed to notify me of the form of amendment thought out and ordained by you, it appeared to me that in the ordinance dictated and written by you on a certain form it was expressly stated, "qualify and revoke," although these are acts different in kind corresponding to diverse objects, one for rash and the other for erroneous utterances. Also, I saw that you had brought the aforesaid bishop for the publication of the promised qualification, although I had been prepared to temper anything rashly said in a reasonable manner. I considered that, albeit I instantly sought reasons in writings by which the said articles seemed to be impugned somehow, that I might inform and settle my conscience and not take action while it was fluctuating and murmuring, you would not grant me this, although it is incumbent upon you to confirm and preserve the consciences of men from fall or ruin.
Again, there being present and assisting me Almaric, viscount of Narbonne, and Guillaume Nogaret, a knight of the king of France, and Alphinus of Narnia, a cleric of the same king, and master Gerard de Novavilla, cantor of Tyarnus, and master C. de Poilaco, canon of Vivarais, and Simon de Marcay, knight of the king, I heard from the reverend father, the archbishop of Narbonne, and from the discreet man, the archdeacon of Algya, who passed back and forth between you and me and reported proposals on both sides, treating for concord and offering on my behalf that I was prepared straightway to go to the supreme pontiff and stand in his judgment, that you, sirs, ordered me to be arrested and imprisoned by the aforesaid bishop, if I would not yield to your will. I learned further from these same men that that one of the masters who bore the standard of humility, namely the cord of the angel of God and signet of God the Savior, that is, of the blessed Francis, was more keenly intent on sinking me than the others, which I afterwards learned no less by experience, when, at a signal from him and certain others, moving their heads in ridicule, they said carelessly and calumniously, "You sit in the watch tower, you are a prophet." Carelessly indeed, because they did not remember that the spirit bloweth where it listeth and the Lord does not cast out little ones but supplies them with wisdom. Calumniously, moreover, because it is not contained in my work that I sat or sit on a watch tower but that the watchmen of the church of Christ ought to reply in kind to the questions of their adversaries.
Since with all the aforesaid therefore I knew by probable conjecture that permanent imprisonment was prepared for me, before you doctors and masters of the college of theologians of Paris and all present I, master Arnald called of Villanova, resident of Montpellier, by the present writing protest and protesting say or pronounce that whatever I said recently before the lord bishop, reading the form of your ordinance which the lord chancellor placed in my hands insisting that I read it without any delay, I did not say nor did I pronounce reading or otherwise except struck by fear of the pernicious house in which I feared to be imprisoned because of the aforesaid. And therefore, since the process instituted by you and the aforesaid lord bishop is ipso jure invalid, null and void, since it lacked foundation and I did not swear to observe it, I accordingly do now commit my work on the coming of antichrist to the examination and judgment of the apostolic see and myself to its protection, prepared with the aid of Christ to answer there to the arguments of whoever wish to impugn the said work. And whoever wish to attack or proceed against it openly or publicly, of whatever rank or dignity or station they may be, I now summon to the presence and audience of the supreme pontiff, where streams of science abound, and I assign to them as term the fourth week after next Easter.
Moreover, besides this I beg all you masters of the aforesaid college with humble supplication that in like matters your modesty or maturity henceforth be so known to men that what requires a year of deliberation and sifting in the din of public disputation and the scrutiny of studious determination, you do not try to smother in one month by a swift attack, especially where probable scandal of neighbors is involved, saying in imitation of Christ, suffer and cherish the little ones and not persecute them, since it is detestable to God and men to be stirred by appetite and rabid motion against a stranger who is not a Parisian by origin or residence or school attendance or commission of a crime, who is not infamous, is common to all God's servants, and is the solemn nuncio on urgent business of a serene prince to the most serene--and this without notifying and totally disregarding the majesty of royal excellence.
Moreover, on behalf of the king of France, who owes it to him who sent me as ambassador to himself to return me safe and sound with all my possessions, not despoiled or robbed by anyone of his kingdom, I require of you, lord chancellor, that you restore to me my writing which I committed to your faith and freely conceded as an exemplar, that you make to me full amends for its violent retention made against my will from the day on which by my associate, master Raymond of Poitiers, I asked you to restore it to me.
Moreover, similarly as ambassador I require you, the whole college, to make full amends to me for having dragged me, not harmful to you nor blasphemous to God nor a foe to the faith, without any reason into the presence of the bishop and compelled me to read a form dictated and ordered by you.
And you, master Geoffrey of Chartres, I require on behalf of the king and apostolic see to redact in public form all the aforesaid and what was read and the replies which those sirs may make to the above requests, in order that it may be clear in judgment who is the rasher, he who is said to write rashly or he who acts rashly, and that the innocent may exclaim before the angels of God, "May the proud be confounded because they worked iniquity against me: but I will labor in thy mandates. Let those turn to me who fear Thee, Lord, and who know thy testimonies." [2]
And since recently within the time prescribed by law for making appeal I could not obtain the presence of the lord bishop, therefore as a precaution I have appealed in writing from the will of a superior to the apostolic see, from a wicked and unjust judge, against the process of the bishop and his accessories in his hall. And I adhere to that appeal, and I renew it now, and I wish a copy to be made for whomsoever by hand of the notary, and also one of the present protest.
Done at Paris in the manor of the lord said bishop of Paris on October 11, in the presence of the venerable men the archdeacon of Paris, chancellor of the church of Paris and master Peter of Auvergne, masters of theology, hearing what was done for the other masters in the theological faculty, Ralph de Roseto, penitentiary of Paris, and the Official of Paris, canons in the said church of Paris called on behalf of the bishop, and the following witnesses, the reverend father, the archbishop of Narbonne, the most noble count of Arras, the noble lord Almaric, viscount of Narbonne, the venerable masters Nicholaus de Cathan, archdeacon in the church of Reims, professor of laws, master Thierry, treasurer of the count of Arras, and many others summoned for the purpose in the same year, indiction, place and day.
The venerable chancellor of Paris having been requested, as said above, to restore to the said master Arnald his writing or opuscule which he had entrusted to his faith and freely conceded as an exemplar, as he said, the said chancellor replied that he had passed it on to other masters in the said faculty and that he would speak to them about it.
Done in the presence of those above mentioned. And I, Geoffrey, called Ligator, of Chartres, by authority of the holy Roman church public notary, was present at the above and wrote them down and as requested published them and signed them with my mark as duly requisite.
[1] Concerning the life and works of Arnald of Villanova one may consult further the article on him in the Histoire litteraire de la France, vol. 28, various articles by P. Diepgen in the Archiv fur Geschichte der Medizin, 111 (1910), etc,, and his volume, Arnald von Villanova als Politker und Laien-theologe, 1909, Heft 9 of Abhandl. z. Mittle. u. Neuer. Gesch., and chapter 68 in vol. 11 and chapter 4 in vol. 111 of Thorton's History of Magic and Experimental Science.
[2] Psalm 118, 79.
Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis, II, 125-27.On October 13, 1307, all Knights Templars in France were arrested, their property sequestered, and their persons given over to Inquisitors to question under torture as to charges of heresy, blasphemy, idolatry, and gross immorality made against them. The pope took action against the order in a bull of November 22, 1307. Philip the Fair was reluctant to surrender direction of proceedings in France to the pope and put the questions referred to in the following document to the faculty of theology at Paris. Ultimately he gave over nominal jurisdiction to the ecclesiastical authorities but kept actual control. Many Templars had confessed under torture and later protested their innocence in vain. But the opinion came to prevail that the charges against them had been largely trumped up, and that the King coveted their riches. When, however, the pope dissolved the order at the Council of Vienne in 1312, its property was assigned to another crusading order, the Knights Hospitalers. The French crown, however, turned over only a remnant left after Philip's death.
To the most serene and Christian prince Philip, by grace of God most illustrious king of the Franks, his humble and devoted chaplains, the masters in theology at Paris, albeit unworthy, those teaching as well as those not giving instruction, with all subjection promptly and willingly ever offer grateful and devoted service to royal majesty. The most Christian kings of the most illustrious realm of the Franks are known to have shone from the start of their kingdom not so much by magnitude of power as moral excellence and piety of Christian religion. Hence it is, most excellent lord, that you, imitating the praiseworthy morals of your sainted predecessors, flaming with zeal for the faith? yet desiring to defend even the faith with due rule of reason and without usurpation of the right of another power, although you might command us as your clients, yet of your great condescension have preferred to ask our opinion in friendly fashion by your letters, how namely you might proceed without infringement of another jurisdiction against certain subversors of the faith itself, thereon proposing certain articles, to which the importance of the affair and the absence of some of our chief members has forced us to reply tardily, on which account may the accustomed benevolence of royal piety pardon us the offense of so great delay. Moreover, having held careful and mature and frequent deliberation over the said articles, we have decided to reply thus, that, to avoid prolixity and taking too much of your majesty's time, we may state precisely the conclusions which we, persuaded by rational motives, believe to be true. Therefore to the aforesaid articles let us reply in the way which follows:
To the first, in which it is asked whether a secular prince may arrest, examine or punish heretics, we say that it seems to us that the authority of a secular judge does not extend to opening any prosecution in the matter of heresy against anyone not abandoned by the church, unless the church requests or has requested it, except when evident and notorious peril threatens, in which case under sure hope of ratification the secular power may arrest them with the intention of turning them over to the church so soon as opportunity shall offer. Nor does it seem to us that from any authority of the Old or New Testament it can be expressly held that the secular prince ought to interfere otherwise in the said crime. Moreover, as to this question whether, if princes seemed to have jurisdiction in a case of the said crime from the Old Testament, the same would be restricted in any way by the New Testament, we say that if restriction means the revocation of any statute or right which has virtue solely from the institution of the old law, every such is so restricted in the time of the new law, so indeed that all the virtue it has from the sole institution of the old law is revoked in the time of the New Testament.
To the second main question, which asks whether the Templars, because they are soldiers, are to be regarded as not religious and as not exempt, we say that it seems to us that soldiery ordained for the defense of the faith does not impede the state of religion and that such soldiers professing a vow of religion instituted by the church should be regarded as religious and exempt. If, moreover, any have not made such profession but have only bound themselves to that heresy, they are not religious nor to be so regarded. If, however, it is doubtful whether they have so professed, it belongs to the church which instituted their order to settle the matter. For by reason of the crime all that touches the crime pertains to the church in every person until as has been said, he has been abandoned by the church.
To the third, when it is asked whether the order should be condemned because of the suspicion arising out of the confessions already made, we say that, since, from confessions now made, strong suspicion exists against all of the order that they are heretics or accomplices--that is, for not accusing or notifying the church, since a strong presumption exists that they were by no means ignorant that the said heresy flourished in the order, especially when masters of the whole order, and other persons of importance who had received many in the order, and many others have confessed to a crime of this sort--this should suffice to condemn the order to the odium of particular persons or to inquiring against the entire order thus publicly sullied by so great a crime.
To the fourth, when it is asked what should be done about those who have not confessed or been convicted, if there were any such, we say that since there is a strong presumption against all members of the order, as was said, although such are not to be condemned as heretics, since they have neither confessed nor been convicted, nevertheless because there is much to fear concerning them because of the said suspicion, it seems to us that such wholesome provision should be made for them that the danger of infecting others be guarded against.
To the fifth, when it is asked concerning the thirty or forty remaining, the answer is clear from what has been said in the third and fourth articles.
To the sixth and seventh, when it is asked what should be done with the possessions of the Templars, we say that since the goods of the Temple were not given to the Templars outright and as owners but rather as servants for defense of the faith and support of the Holy Land--and this was the final intention of those giving those goods, and those which are for an end, have reason and necessity from the end, since the aforesaid end remains while they are found wanting--the said goods should be faithfully ordained and preserved for the said end. As to guardianship it seems to us it should be so ordered as is most expedient for the said end.
These therefore, most-serene lord, as best we could, we have concluded and written in unison, heartily wishing to follow the orders of the king and also the truth. We hope that they may be acceptable to his majesty, because we are prepared to expend much diligent study on those matters which shall please so great highness. And may so great injury to the faith, of which you are the chief fist and defender, which is so scandalous and horrible to all Christian people, be speedily punished according to your holy desire. Your royal majesty which we firmly believe is fruitful not only to the temporal rule of the republic but also to the spiritual advantage of the church, may the Most High long preserve, and may your benign eminence deign to hold in favor us, your devoted and humble chaplains. In testimony, moreover, of all the aforesaid we have decreed that our seals be affixed to the present document. Given on the feast of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin, the year of the Lord 1307 (old style).
Ibid., II, 109-30.
These are the rubrics made of the confession and testimony of the Grand Master of the Order of the Temple, made in the presence of brother William of Paris of the Order of Preachers, inquisitor of heretical depravity in the kingdom of France, and many other trustworthy persons, namely, master Yvo de Cordellis, rector of the university of Paris, and master Stephen, chancellor of Paris, and six masters in theology, the abbot of St. Germain, the Official of Paris, the prior of the Preachers, in which is contained:
Brother Jacobus de Molay, master of the entire order of the knights of the Temple, for himself and brothers Gerard de Gauche, Guido Dalphinus, Geoffrey de Charnay, and Walter de Lienticuria, knights of the said Order there present, confessed, proposed and asserted that for a long time since those who were received into the said order denied the Lord Jesus Christ and spit in contempt of Him upon the cross which was showed with the effigy of Jesus Christ at the reception of each one. And at the said reception they had so far committed other enormities, for opportunity of committing which the abuse of receiving secretly the brothers of the said order had been introduced under the pretense of good by the author of crimes. Which offenses indeed the author of light had brought into the light through the assistance of the most Christian prince, lord Philip, king of France.
The same master, writing to each and all of the brothers of the said order within the kingdom of France tells how they compelled new brothers on being received to deny Jesus Christ and spit on the cross, and how many other enormities they added to these, which were long concealed and continued, as each of them knows from his own reception. Wherefore he exhorts the said brothers in the Lord, enjoining in virtue of holy obedience that, notwithstanding promises or oaths to keep secrets of this sort, they reveal the pure truth in these and other matters touching the catholic faith of which they may know, and with sincere mind confess to the aforesaid inquisitor or his commissaries or ordinaries whatever they know about themselves or others in these matters. And he has sanctioned the sending of these writings to the houses of the said order in the kingdom of France in a form approved by him and sealed with his seal. Also he himself has confessed that at his reception he thrice denied Jesus, twice spit on the cross and once on the ground. Afterwards, moreover, the same master sought to obtain absolution, pardon, grace and mercy of holy mother church through those standing there for himself and brothers penitent and confessed, offering himself and the said brothers penitent for the aforesaid and humbly confessing to receive penance and fulfill and accept the mandates of the church.
As reproduced from De planctu ecclesiae by Antonino, Summa, II, 5, 2, IO,
The first is that, although they be unlearned and insufficiently prepared, they get themselves promoted to be masters by prayers and gifts: Extravagans concerning masters, chapter opening, 'Quanto.' And when they are called upon to examine others, they admit inept and ignorant persons to be masters.
Second, moved by envy, they scorn to admit well-prepared subordinates to professorial chairs, and, full of arrogance, they despise others and censure their utterances unreasonably....
Third, they despise simple persons who know how to avoid faults of conduct better than those of words....
Fourth, they teach useless, vain, and sometimes false doctrines, a most dangerous course in doctrine of faith and morals, yet one especially characteristic of doctors of theology. These are fountains without water and clouds driven by whirlwinds and darkening the landscape.
Fifth, they are dumb dogs unable to bark, as Isaiah inveighs against them, 66:10. Seeing the faults of peoples and lords, they keep silent lest they displease them, when they ought to argue at least in secret-- which they also sometimes omit to do because they are involved in like vices themselves....
Sixth, they retain in their classes those who have been excommunicated, or do not reprove scholars who are undisciplined and practice turpitudes publicly. For they ought to impress morality along with science.
Seventh, although receiving sufficient salaries, they avariciously demand beyond their due or refuse to teach the poor unless paid for it, and want pay whether they teach on feast days or not, or fail to lecture when they should, attending to other matters, or teach less diligently.
Eighth, they try to say what is subtle, not what is useful, so that they may be seen of men and called rabbis, which is especially reprehensible in masters of theology. And in this especially offend, remarks the aforesaid Alvarus, the masters of Paris and those in England at Oxford, secular as well as regular, Dominicans as well as Franciscans, and others, of whom the arrogance of some is inexplicable. In their classes not the prophets, nor the Mosaic law, nor the wisdom of the Father, nor the Gospel of Christ, nor the doctrine of the apostles and holy doctors are heard, but Reboat, the idolatrous philosopher, and his commentator, with other teachers of the liberal arts, so that in classes in theology not holy writ but philosophy is taught. Nay more, now doctors and bachelors do not even read the text of the Sentences in class but hurry on to curious questions which have no apparent connection with the text.
[1] Alvarus Pelagius (Alvaro Paes) was grand penitentiary at Avignon under pope John XXII and died in 1352.
Antonino, Summa, III, 5, 2, II.
1. Sometimes they wish to be above their masters, impugning their statements more with a certain wrong-headedness than with reason.. ..
2. Those wish to become masters who were not legitimate disciples....
3. They attend classes but make no effort to learn anything.
Such are limbs of Satan rather than of Christ.... And these persons who go to a university but do not study cannot with clear consciences enjoy the privilege of the fruits of benefices in a university: Extravagans on masters, chapter I. And if they receive such, they are held to restitution because they receive them fraudulently, as the tenor of the canon cited makes evident.
4. They frequently learn what they would better ignore . . . such things as forbidden sciences, amatory discourses, and superstitions.
5. On obscure points they depend upon their own judgment, passing over scripture and canonical science of which they are ignorant. And so they become masters of error. For they are ashamed to ask of others what they themselves don't know, which is stupid pride....
6. They defraud their masters of their due salaries, although they are able to pay. Wherefore they are legally bound to make restitution, because, says Gregory XII, query 2, One serving ecclesiastical utilities ought to rejoice in ecclesiastical remuneration.
7. They have among themselves evil and disgraceful societies, associating together for ill. And while in residence they sometimes are guilty of vices, against which their masters ought to provide and take action so far as they can....
8. They are disobedient to the masters and rectors of the universities and sometimes transgress the statutes which they have sworn to observe. And sometimes they contend against and resist the officials, for which they should be subjected to blows of rods, a method of coercion admissible against clerics by masters of liberal arts and by their parents: case of attack on the archbishop.
9. On feast days they don't go to church to hear divine service and sermons and above all the full mass which all Christians are supposed to attend (de conse. di.i. missas), but gad about town with their fellows or attend lectures or write up their notes at home. Or, if they go to church, it is not for worship but to see the girls or swap stories.
10. They foment rows and form parties and tickets in electing the rector or securing the appointment of professors, not following the interests of the student body as a whole but their own affections, sometimes to this intent alluring with gifts and flattering attentions for their own masters, and sometimes drawing scholars away from other teachers and persuading them to come to theirs, and not for the best interest of the scholars....
11. If they are clergymen with parishes, when they go off to universities, they do not leave good and sufficient vicars in their churches to care diligently for the souls of their parishioners.... Or they hear lectures in fields forbidden to them, such as the law.
12. The expense money which they have from their parents or churches they spend in taverns, conviviality, games and other superfluities, and so they return home empty, without knowledge, conscience, or money. Against whom may be quoted that observation of Jerome, "It is praiseworthy, not to have seen Jerusalem, but to have lived well." So, not to have studied at Paris or Bologna, but to have done so diligently merits praise.
13. They contract debts and sometimes withdraw from the university without paying them, on which account they are excommunicated and do not care, but they may not be absolved; de reg. iur. peccatum, libro vi.